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Charles Sherwood Farms 



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American Soul 





Charles Sherwood Farriss 

Vice-Pres. of Jno. B. Stetson University 


Grant this, then man must pass from old to new, 
From vain to real, from mistake to fact, 
From what once seemed good, to what now proves 
first." — Robert Browning. 


THE STRATFORD CO., Publishers 

Boston, Massachusetts 

Copyright 1920 

The STRATFORD CO., Publishers 

Boston, Mass. 

The Alpine Press, Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 

A Prefatory Warning 

Here honest words of great men gone are spoken, true 
To life; but all that might be said is left the nonce 

For larger space. 

No hardness, sourness, envy, hate- 
Is here allowed. If these yon seek, close tight the book. 


0, God of Lincoln, God of Lee, — oh, lead us, Lord, 
Of Washington, and Koosevelt, rare, — oh, guard us 

The work which Thou hast wrought we beg that Thou 

shalt keep 
Against an evil day perchance ourselves may bring. 
Keep off the storms which counter currents often 

raise ; 
Fast chain our foolish passion's passing gales within, 
Nor let them, raging, move apart the stones just set, 
And scatter ruin where now our house so stately 


Oh, let there be no fool's harsh word on land or sea, 
Which gathers force ofttimes with good men off their 

And makes them act more foolishly than he who threw 
The brand which fired their souls with false and base 

Oh, let there be no Prejudice, in North or South, 
Vile bird that casts its feathered darts from off its 

To wound with brazen claws and wings and hideous 

And feed on human flesh while foreign Harpies breed. 

"All America is thrown into one mass. Where are 
your landmarks — your boundaries of colonies ? They 
are all thrown down. The distinctions between Vir- 
ginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers and New Eng- 
landers, are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an 
American." — John Adams' Diary, as quoted by W. 
Irving, giving extract from speech of Patrick Henry, 
in the first American Congress, 

Table of Contents 





National Freedom — Indissoluble Union — Moral 
and Military Greatness — Virile Americanism. 


Copyrighted by Miley & Son, Lexington, Va. 

"The man who, amid the decadence of modern 
ages first dared believe that he could inspire degener- 
ate nations with courage to rise to the level of 
republican virtues, lived for all nations and for all 
centuries." — Talleyrand, French Minister of Foreign 
Affairs under Bonaparte. 


'Happy in the confirmation of our independence 
and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity 
afforded the United States of becoming a respectable 
nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I 
accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities 
to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was 
superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our 
cause, the support of the supreme power of the 
Union, and the patronage of heaven." — From 
Washington's address before Congress tendering his 
resignation as Commanding General. 

"Should the States reject this excellent Constitu- 
tion, the probability is that opportunity will never be 
offered to cancel another in peace; the next will be 
drawn in blood." — G. W. 

(Traditionally related of him when signing 
the Constitution.) 

George Washington 

TTfE have all had, from our childhood, a p"^"* 

VV wonderful report of George Washing- 
ton; but it was not equal to the reality. The 
stories told of his boyhood are not believed to- 
day. Nevertheless, his life reads like a charming 
romance. Augustine Washington was thrown 
from a carriage in London. On arising, he 
looked for the first time into the lovely eyes of 
Mary Ball, who afterwards became the mother 
of our first President. Who can believe in ac- 
cidents ! The young George was himself of a 
decidedly romantic turn. From fourteen to 
twenty-five he was violently in love many times. 
In fact, Washington was never unsuccessful in 
anything but courtship. Possibly his lack of 
success in these things was only the way the 
fates had of guiding him eventually to the door- 
step of Martha Dandridge, the young, intelligent 
and charming widow of Daniel Parke Custis. At 
the time of his marriage he was twenty-seven 
years old. He had already gained fame in the Success 

in Love 

French and Indian wars. The young Colonel 
retired from the Army, went to Mount Vernon, 
which had fallen into his possession by the death 
of Lawrence Washington, his brother. There he 
spent his honeymoon. With Lord Fairfax, the 
friend of his boyhood, and many gentlemen of 



the day, he hunted foxes and discussed the glow- 
ing questions of the day. He served as a member 
of the House of Burgesses, and also had time to 
become a diligent and most successful farmer 
besides. Those were happy days at Mount Ver- 
non. But clouds were gathering. Events soon 
took an ominous turn. 

ciouds Gather rph e stupidity of the English Ministry and 
Parliament of that period is quite incredible in 
these later times. The Virginia Assembly had 
protested in vain against what is known as the 
Stamp Act. This Act required that the Colonists 
pay a revenue tax upon "all their commercial 
paper, legal documents, pamphlets and news- 
papers, ' and affix revenue stamps thereto. In 
furtherance of the Act British soldiers took up 
their residence at different places at the expense 
of the Colonists. In this manner Grenville, the 
British Prime Minister, attempted to defray "the 
expenses of defending, protecting and securing 
the colonies. 7 "But," as Mr. Wilson remarks, 
"he came near losing them instead. (The Act 
was passed in March ; it was not to go into effect 
until November; but the Colonists did not keep 
them waiting until November for their protests. ) 

a storm it was the voice of a veritable tempest that 

of Protest 

presently came over the sea to the ear of the 
startled Minister." The year before (1764) the 
Virginia House of Burgesses had protested in 
advance against such taxation. That protest had 
been disregarded. What must be done? To 



speak against the Act now that it has passed 
Parliament, would be nothing short of treason. 
Was it possible that the men who had left Eng- 
land for their freedom would submit to a measure 
that violated their liberties? It was a time for 
courageous deliberation, for wise indignation, for 
implied dissent of a menacing nature ; but not 
of intemperate disobedience. And why not open 
opposition? Was there not really a determina- 
tion to resist the injustice that had been per- 
petrated against America? Yes. Then why not 
oppose in so many words ? That was the position Patrick 
of Patrick Henry, the new member from Han- Boldness 
over. That young lawyer and country store- 
keeper, offered resolutions and made a speech 
which startled the House of Burgesses and 
thrilled the world. The impetuosity and charm 
of his eloquence carried the majority with him. 
But patriots like Peyton Randolph, Edmund 
Pendleton, Robert Carter Nicholas, George 
Wythe, and others of the older and more con- 
servative members, were alarmed. They feared 
that all the fat was being cast into the fire. Some 
of them even cried Treason ! Treason ! when 
Patrick Henry reached the climax of his defiant 
address and recommended that the English King 
consider well the fate of Caesar and Charles the 
First. "If that be treason, make the most of it!" 
he said. 

What did Washington do? Let us glance 
toward his seat in the House during this excite- 



than Henry 

Stamp Act 
in Principle 

ment at Henry's address. It is well to do so. 
It has the effect of calming one's nerves. There 
he sat in silence, feeling deeply, but with the 
calm of the brave soldier, the vision of the seer 
and the determination of the patriot. He felt 
that Henry was right. But no one was ever 
further from intemperate act or thought than 
was George Washington. So he was opposed to 
the intemperate part of the Henry resolutions 
which, had they been adopted, would have 
brought a British Army at once to the American 
shores. Possibly Jefferson had "Washington in 
mind when he looked back on those glowing days 
and said. " Although we often wished to have 
gone faster, we slackened our pace, that our less 
ardent colleagues might keep up with us; and 
they, on their part, differing nothing from us in 
principle, quickened their gait somewhat beyond 
that which their prudence might of itself have 
advised." But Washington, while not radical or 
precipitate, was convinced that the Stamp Act 
could never be enforced, and so wrote to Philip 
Dandridge, in London. The Stamp Act was re- 
pealed but its principle was repeated. It was 
followed, in 1767, with "taxes on glass, paper, 
painters' colors and tea imported in the Colonies 
with a purpose to pay fixed salaries to the 
Crown's officers in the Colonies out of the pro- 
ceeds; and the contested ground was all to go 
over again." Even Jefferson would not accuse 
Washington of being slow of step in the face 



of a letter which the latter wrote at this time to 
that splendid lawyer and statesman, George 
Mason. "At a time,' said Washington, 
"when our Lordly Masters in Great Britain 
will be satisfied with nothing less than the 
deprivation of American freedom, it seems 
highly necessary that something should be done 
to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty 
which we have derived from our ancestors. 
That no man should scruple or hesitate for a 
moment, to use arms in defence of so valuable 
a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life 
depends, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I 
would beg leave to add, should be the last re- 
source. " 

The first Continental Congress met in Phila- First 
delphia in 1774. Peyton Randolph, of Vir- ongress 
ginia, was President. Samuel Adams, rough 
of speech, adroit, and a natural born rebel, 
controlled the Massachusetts delegation. They 
had suffered most, with British troops 
quartered upon Boston and the port shut up. 
The so-called Congress was hardly more than 
a meeting of Committees.' from the several 
Colonies. Patrick Henry, one of the represent- 
atives from Virginia, said that unquestionably 
Colonel George Washington was "the greatest 
man on the floor." Yet he did not figure as a 
leader there, although he was reported as 
taking advanced ground in his sentiments 
against the gross treatment of Massachusetts' 








The New 
General a 
Noble Figure 

Colony. One striking utterance was: "I will 
raise one thousand men, enlist them at my own 
expense, and march myself at their head for the 
relief of Boston!' If he said that, he was de- 
cidedly side by side with Patrick Henry. 

The second Continental Congress met at 
Philadelphia on the 10th of May, 1775. Omi- 
nous events led up to it, There was a great 
difference between it and the first Congress — 
that only protested — this acted. War had 
actually begun. Ethan Allen was at that in- 
stant taking possession of Fort Ticonderoga. 
16,000 Continentals were in or near Boston. 
Washington was present, an out and out rebel, 
in his Continental uniform, ready to assist to 
the extent of his life and fortune. He was 
unanimously elected to take command of the 
new army which was waiting for a leader. He 
said to Congress, in accepting the commission : 
"I beg it may be remembered by every gentle- 
man in this room, that I this day declare with 
the utmost sincerity I do not think myself equal 
to the command I am honored with.' Two 
days later he was on his way to take command. 
John Adams said of him: " There is something 
charming to me in the conduct of Washing- 
ton.' Says Woodrow Wilson: "It was an 
object lesson in the character of the revolution 
to see Washington ride through the Colonies to 
take charge of an insurgent army. That noble 
figure drew all eyes to it; that mien as if the 



man were a prince ; that sincere and open coun- 
tenance, which every man could see was lighted 
by a good conscience ; that cordial ease in 
salute, as of a man who felt himself brother to 
his friends. There was something about Wash- 
ington that quickened the pulses of a crowd at 
the same time that it awed them, that drew 
cheers which were a sort of voice of worship. 
Children desired sight of him, and men felt 
lifted after he had passed. It was good to have 
such a man ride all the open way from Phila- 
delphia to Cambridge, in sight of the people, to 
assume command of the people's army. It 
gave character to the thoughts of all who saw 
him.' Was there ever a finer portraiture, in- 
side and outside, than that? It carries us pell- 
mell into those exciting days and places us 
upon the side-lines to lift our hats and, not 
shout but pray, for the man who must, by his 
wonderful magnetism, both create and hold 
together, for eight bitter years, the army which 
struck the blows of freedom and made secure 
the future of the world 's greatest republic — a 
man whose doings thereafter were the history 
of America. Henry Cabot Lodge says of him : 
"The people looked upon him, and were con- 
fident that this was a man worthy and able to 
dare and do all things.' Every step of the 
way as he rode to Boston was a part of a great 
triumphal entry upon his duties. Bunker Hill 
had been fought before he arrived in Boston. 



"Did the militia fight?" was his quiet though 
pulsating inquiry of the messenger. "Yes!' 
"Then the liberties of the country are safe.' 
I quote from Mr. Lodge's biography: "Mrs. 
John Adams,' he says, "warm-hearted and 
clever, wrote to her husband after the general's 
arrival: "Dignity, ease and complacency, the 
gentleman and the soldier look agreeably 
blended in him. Modesty marks every line 
and feature of his face. Those lines of Dryden 
instantly occurred to me, — 
"Mark his majestic fabric! He's a temple! 

Sacred by birth, and built by hands divine ; 

His soul's the deity that lodges there; 

Nor is the pile unworthy of the God.' 

Lady, lawyer and surgeon, patriot and tory, 

all speak alike, and as they wrote, so New 

New England England felt. A slave owner, an aristocrat, 

true to ° 7 

Washington an( j a churchman, "Washington came to Cam- 
bridge to pass over the heads of native generals 
to the command of a New England army, 
among a democratic people, hard working and 
simple in their lives, and dissenters to the back- 
bone, who regarded episcopacy as something 
little short of papistry and quite equivalent to 
toryism. Yet the shout that went up from 
soldiers and people on Cambridge Common on 
that pleasant July morning came from the 
heart and had no jarring note. On the field of 
battle and throughout eight years of political 



strife the men of New England stood by the 
great Virginian. " 

This dramatic beginning, had a great mul- 
titude of more and more dramatic sequences. 
Indeed for the six years from Bunker Hill to His life from 

now on an 

Yorktown Washington's life was an epic made Epic 
up of hundreds of startling dramas. I have 
not the space to tell of the manner in which he 
baffled the English Generals, Howe, Gage, Clin- 
ton and Cornwallis — of his occupation of, and 
retreat from New York City through New Jer- 
sey — of his crossing the Delaware, capturing 
Trenton, punishing the British at Princeton — 
of his pledging his private fortune for the pay- 
ment of his troops — of his defeat of Howe at 
Brandywine — of his heroic struggles at Valley 
Forge — of his attack on Clinton at Monmouth 
Court House — of his exasperation at Eichard 
Henry Lee, his grief at Arnold's treason, and 
his outwitting and capture of Cornwallis at 
Yorktown. These events, as events, have been 
familiar to us since childhood ; but their full 
significance, as they were experienced by 
Washington, we have never felt at their full 
value, simply from the fact that no historian 
has ever sounded the depths of the great pro- 
tagonist who occupied the centre of the stage, 
during the whole of those stirring times. He Congress 

° ° dilatory m 

had won the war at Yorktown; but two full making peace 
years passed before peace was finally made by 
the dilatory Congress. In the meantime, the 



most dramatic event of the entire war occurred. 
It was nothing less than the direct offer to 
Washington of a Kingdom by the army. The 
incident is known as Colonel Nicola's proposal 
from the fact that he was the writer of the 
letter to Washington. The main cause of the 
proposal was the unpopularity of the civil gov- 
iebukeT^ffer ernment with the soldiers. They desired to 
?°o^ a ^ e Q h ™ overthrow it and place Washington at the head 

IlG3iQ OI a U6W x f ~ } 

government f a stronger form of government. Today, as 
we read of the ingratitude of Congress, which 
refused to pay the soldiers, and yield them that 
consideration which they deserved, our hearts 
grow hot with wrath. But while the great 
chieftain was on the side of the soldiers, he was 
deeply hurt at their offer. Nothing ever so 
stung him. He rebuked them severely in his 
reply, and hoped that the country might never 
know of the offer which had been made to him. 
He was not tempted. What tempted and over- 
came Caesar, Cromwell, Napoleon, only gave 
pain to Washington. It is true that the coun- 
try was full of anarchy ; the government was 
reeling like a drunken man ; a pusillanimous, 
unpatriotic, jealous even dishonorable Con- 
gress was playing politics, forcing the child of 
his labors, sacrifices and prayers every day 
nearer the brink of the precipice. Nor did he 
shrink from the glittering offer from any 
thought of unsuccess. By no means. "The 
army," says Mr. Lodge, "was the one coherent, 



active and thoroughly organized body in the 

country. There would have been in fact no ?^L^« d 5?' s 

J opinion oi 

serious opposition, probably because there § u ^ess e 
would have been no means of sustaining it. 
The absolute feebleness of the general govern- 
ment was shown a few weeks later, when a 
recently recruited regiment of Pennsylvania 
troops mutinied, and obliged Congress to leave 
Philadelphia. — This mutiny was put down sud- 
denly and effectively by Washington, very wroth 
at the insubordination of raw troops who had 
neither fought nor suffered. ' I quote again 
from Mr. Lodge: "From the surrender of 
Yorktown to the day of his retirement from the 
Presidency, he worked unceasingly to estab- 
lish union and strong government in the 
country he had made independent. He accom- 
plished this great labor more successfully by 
honest and lawful methods than if he had taken 
the path of the strong-handed savior of society, 
and his work in this field did more for the wel- 
fare of his country than all his battles. — To 
have refused supreme rule, and then to have 
effected in the spirit and under the forms of 
free government all and more than the most 
brilliant of military chiefs could have achieved 
by absolute power, is a glory which belongs to 
Washington alone.' All will agree that Mr. 
Lodge makes a just estimate of the noble act of 
Washington in refusing a crown. Every one, M ^- , Carl y le ' s 

° ° •/ > opinion 

with the exception of Thomas Carlyle, would 



endorse it. But then Mr. Carlyle did not love 
America — neither does America love Mr. Car- 
lyle. For it is wholly capable of seeing; that 
the man who found Emerson barren, could un- 
derestimate the man who whipped the English 
armies, and failed to grasp the supreme power 
when the opportunity presented itself. But 
Washington was a man of faith that he had 
been directed by Jehovah. "I consider it my 
indispensable duty/' he said at the end of his 
resignation as General, "to close this last sol- 
emn act of my official life by commending the 
interests of our dearest country to the protec- 
tion of Almighty God, and those who have the 
superintendence of them to His holy keeping." 
"It was," says Woodrow Wilson, "as if spoken 
on the morrow of the day upon which he ac- 
cepted his commission : the same diffidence, the 
same trust in a power greater and higher than 
his own." 
in the Washington was twice elected President 


Chair without opposition. He served two terms of 

four years each. He refused to be elected for 
a third term. When he was elected for the 
first time he accepted the office only after Ham- 
ilton had plead with him that it was his duty. 
Governor Johnson, of Maryland had written 
him that he could explain to any one else except 
him why the country must have him. "To 
make any one else President," says Mr. Wilson, 
"it seemed to men everywhere, would be like 



crowning' a subject while the King was by.' 
Those two terms of his Presidency were tumult- 
uous years. They included the time of the for- 
mation of political parties; they embraced the 
years of the French Revolution ; it was then 
that the battle of the giants on the formation 
of a National Bank was fought in Congress ; it 
was the time of the whiskey rebellion; it was 
the time when we began the claiming of the 
empire of the great West. Through it all p^if^n 8,8 
Washington was as great and righteous and as General 
efficient as he was when General. In fact, he 
reached the high-water-mark of his career 
when he laid his stern hand upon Jefferson's 
policy to embroil and embrangle us in a wild 
and entangling alliance with France engaged 
in a revolution which had no resemblance to 
ours. But for the wisdom and firmness of 
Washington, Jefferson would have brought 
upon us the vengeance of Europe. The last 
year of his Presidency was quiet and prosper- 
ous. The country again idolized him. Men 
who had abused him for preventing an alliance 
with France and for signing a treaty with 
England grew ashamed of themselves. When 
the day came to yield up his office to John 
Adams "all eyes were bent upon that great 
figure in black velvet.' On his way to the 
Capitol the people thronged after him. It was 
not the new President, but their beloved Wash- 
ington they desired to see. The scene touched 



him. "No man ever saw him so moved.' As 
the tears coursed their way down his cheeks, 
the hearts of the people were bent in sorrow. 
He went back to Mount Vernon to the country- 
life he loved. Unfortunately, this time was 
brief. On the 12th of December, 1799, on going 
the rounds of his farms, he caught a violent 
cold which settled in his throat. By evening of 
the next day the end had come. "He was calm 
the day through," says Wilson, "as in time of 
battle ; knowing what betided, but not fearing 
it ; steady, noble, a warrior figure to the last ; 
and he died as those who loved him might have 
The worm wished to see him die.' When the news sped 
his death over the nation the people sobbed with the 

deepest grief. The flags and standards of 
France were hung with crepe and the flags of 
the English fleet were lowered to half-mast. 
The report of Talleyrand, the French Foreign 
Minister, constitutes one of the finest eulogies 
ever made to mortal man : I quote its closing 
paragraph: "The man who, amid the decad- 
ence of modern ages, first dared believe that 
he could inspire degenerate nations with cour- 
age to rise to the level of republican virtues, 
lived for all nations, and for all centuries ; and 
this nation which first saw in the life and suc- 
cess of that illustrious man a foreboding of his 
destiny, and therein recognized a future to be 
realized and duties to be performed, had every 
right to class him as a fellow citizen. I there- 



fore submit to the first consul the following- 
decree : "Bonaparte, First Consul of the Re- 
public decrees as follows : Article 1. A statue 
is to be erected to General Washington. 
Article 2. This statue is to be placed in one of 
the squares of Paris, to be chosen by the Min- 
ister of the Interior, and it shall be his duty to 
execute the present decree. " 

As we turn away from the tomb of the great 
we become reflective. The greatness of Wash- 
ington compels us to this. Even in his youth 
he was a man of high spirit and just percep- 
tions, of great moral as well as physical 
courage. He always acted in accordance with 
his sense of justice. A case in point was when 
Governor Dinwiddie raised ten companies with 
as many independent captains, and ruled that 
there should be no officer above the rank of 
Captain. As Washington was already Colonel, 
the act was considered demeaning by him and 
he went back to his farm at Mount Vernon. 
The Governor was surprised, (and Thomas 
Penn was concerned that Colonel Washington's 
conduct was so imprudent.) With this sort of £ ™ an ° f . . 
behavior in mind, how can you account for the 
fact that he always impressed those who knew 
him best as having a great restraint and self- 
command? His intimate friends knew him as 
a man whom they had never seen in a passion. 
Yet, we know there were stories of outbursts 
against cowardice in the army, disobedience 



and neglect on the part of overseers, and theft 
from trespassers. We have all heard the story 
of the poacher who was shooting wild-fowl on 
Washington's game preserves. The villain, as 
Washington approached him to scold him, 
levelled his gun upon him. The act aroused 
the fighting spirit of the man who loved the 
whistle of bullets. He plunged his horse into 
the water, snatched the gun from the hands of 
the rogue and thrashed him. This was the 
Washington who made it lively for the cowardly 
The old-time soldier or even the disobedient general. That 

Gentleman ° 

other Washington, the silent, wholesome, open- 
minded, red-blooded product of the polite 
training of Lord Fairfax, Greenway Court and 
Mount Vernon — the Washington of that mar- 
velous self-poise — the Washington who, when 
others were rending their garments and casting 
the dust into the air stood calm amid the storm, 
self-reflective and far-visioned — the Washing- 
ton who could pilot a revolution when the 
storms of passion which swept across his soul 
pressed down upon that lake of fire in his own 
breast and compelled its calm — the Washington 
who could repress his feelings when an incom- 
petent Congress expected everything of him 
and his ragged, starving army and yet did 
nothing for them in the way of sending sup- 
plies — the Washington who could kneel in the 
snow at Valley Forge, amid the bloody foot- 
prints of a shoeless soldiery and confidently 



expect great things of the God of battles — the 
Washington who could almost bankrupt his 
large estate that he might serve his country — 
the Washington who could wait for time and 
events to disprove the accusations of the 
Conway-Gates Conspiracy against him — the 
Washington who could, by that great, quiet, 
presence of his, allay the fiery antagonisms of 
rival statesmen — the Washington who could steering a 

° Revolution 

successfully steer a revolution, shape a Consti- 
tution and lay down his task at the close with 
gratitude to God and as much revered by his 
fellow citizens as was Solon by the Athenians — 
the Washington who far surpassed in his states- 
manship any of his critics or admirers — the 
Washington whom Napoleon regarded as one 
of the greatest generals of History — this was 
the Washington (let me say it calmly) the 
serene, unruffled, urbane, quiet spirit whose 
presence gave him precedence over all, and 
whose unsullied character, pre-eminent abil- 
ities, modesty, masterful self-control, and yet 
withal, Olympian reserve power, were simply 

We have had no man in American history by Himself 
like unto him — no man comparable to him in all 
things, though others equalled him — even ex- 
celled him — in some things. At this late day 
we view him with a passionless gaze, and weigh 
his qualities with unfevered mind. Wisei 
writers of history are in no danger of con- 



tributing an error of judgment to our Annals 

by failure to place him first in time and first in 

Present greatness of the American Presidents. We 


need not wonder that he is the livest man in 
America to-day and that the interpretation of 
his advice against entangling alliances with 
European governments has been the storm- 
center of the greatest debate in the session of 
the Congress just closed and re-convened. 

[22 J 


Copyrighted by Harris & Ewing, Washington, D, C, 


'He stood a heroic figure, in the centre of a heroic 
epoch. He is the true story of the American people 
in his time." — Ralph Waldo Emerson. 

"If I could save the Union without freeing any 
slave, I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing 
all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by 
freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also 
do that." — Abraham Lincoln, in a letter to Horace 
Greeley in 1862, as quoted by Congressman Joseph G. 

"And then, from fifty fameless years 
In quiet Illinois was sent 
A word that still the Atlantic hears, 
And Lincoln was the Lord of his event." 

■ — Drinkwater's Play. 

Abraham Lincoln 



OW he is with the ages, said Stanton Lincoln" 1 
in the gray dawn of the winter day as 
the stertorous breathing ceased, and the great 
heart was stilled,' said Henry Watterson, the 
greatest of editors and one of the greatest of 
statesmen, of Abraham Lincoln, in The Cos- 
mopolitan ten years ago. "His life" continues 
Mr. Watterson, "had been an epic in homespun, 
his death, like that of Caesar, beggars the arts 
and resources of Melpomene of the mimic 

Why does the great Southerner give such a a South- 
tribute to the leader of the forces against Justice 

which he fought in the Civil War? Mr. Wat- 
terson answers this question himself. He says : 
"With respect to Abraham Lincoln, I, as a 
Southern man and Confederate soldier, here 
render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, 
even as I would render unto God the things 
that are God's." 

Does not the great editor tell us the truth 
when he suggests that facts of history are all 
invalided in the presence of that terrible 
tragedy? Must we not indeed have to go to 
fiction for a parallel of that tragedy of 
tragedies for the people of America, especially 



A fateful 

What the 
Crime meant 
in the North 

of that part of America South of the Potomac 
and Ohio rivers? Says John Hay, in speaking 
of that scene: "Within the narrow compass of 
that stage-box that night were five human be- 
ings : the most illustrious of modern heroes 
crowned with the most stupendous victory of 
modern times; his beloved wife, proud and 
happy; two betrothed lovers with all the 
promise of felicity that youth, social position, 
and wealth could give them, and a young actor, 
handsome as Endymion upon Latmus, the idol 
of his little world. The glitter of fame, happi- 
ness and ease was upon the entire group ; but 
in an instant everything was to be changed 
with the blinding swiftness of enchantment. 
Quick death was to come on the central figure 
of that company. Over all the rest the black- 
est fates hovered menacingly : fates from 
which a mother might pray that kindly death 
might save her children in infancy. One was 
to wander with the stain of murder on his soul, 
with the curses of a world upon his name, with 
a price set upon his head, in frightful physical 
pain, till he died a dog's death in a burning 
barn. The stricken wife was to pass the rest 
of her days in melancholy and madness ; of 
those two young lovers, one was to slay the 
other, and then end his life a raving maniac." 
Those are dramatic words of Mr. Lincoln's 
private secretary. What did this assassination 
mean for the victorious North? A rekindling 



of passion in the breasts of some men who had 
quenched those fires and longed for a reunion 
of the brothers ; a confirmation of the hatreds 
of the shallow whose existence depended upon 
gorgets of vengeance and morsels of further 
human suffering; a redoubling of energies on 
the part of the great and the wise to keep alive 
the great spirit of the martyr-President now 
separated from its human temple. That is 
what it meant in the North. What did the 
whistle of that criminal bullet mean for the 
South? Project yourself into that desolate 
section, in those exciting times. What do we 
see there ? The South sits at her window in the Wha * it 

meant in the 

elegant, tattered finery of pre-war days, South 
manually helpless from never having had to do 
her own labor — her hands yet white and deli- 
cate because toilless. As she gazes from her 
window, now unglazed by the shock of war, 
she is widowed and childless ; her lands are un- 
planted ; her live-stock have been slain or 
confiscated ; her houses and factories are 
ruined, many of them have been burned ; her 
storehouses have been ransacked by friend and 
foe alike ; her slaves have become voters and 
legislators and thousands have followed in the 
wake of the invading army. Cropless, labor- 
less, moneyless, comfortless, wan and weak, 
tired and tearful, haggard and heroic she 

reaches out her hand for help. Only one man Only one 

i ^t • • -. n . Marl 

in the Nation, again under one nag, can give it 



to her. That man had said to her, on a noted 
occasion, that she "should come back home and 
behave" herself. He was a man of great heart 
and great common sense. He was a man "of 
admirable intellectual aplomb/ He was a 
man who had the warmth of the Southern sun 
in his blood. "He sprang from a Virginia 
pedigree and was born in Kentucky.' This 
was the man to whom the South, in her 
widowed, helpless condition, was looking for 
help. This was the man who said to the 
people: "I have no prejudice against the 
Southern people. They are just what we 
would be in their situation.' That was the 
man who said to one of his own War- 
Congresses: "The people of the South are not 
more responsible for the original introduction 
of this property than are the people of the 
North, and, when it is remembered how unhesi- 
tatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share 
the profits of dealing in them, it may not be 
quite safe to say that the South has been more 
responsible than the North for its continu- 
ance.' As the worn and still bleeding South 
tottered to her feet and held out her hands 
toward this her former lover, there was sad 
appeal in her eyes and hopefulness in her heart. 
And why? She knew his noble nature and her 
intuitions told her that he could never, would 
never, forget his first love. But alas ! alas ! in 



a moment of her radiant hope came the news 
that a madman's bullet had sung the requiem 
of the great head of the nation. 

It is true that some diseases are most danger- 
ous at the moment of convalescence — when one 
thinks himself well then is he nearest death. 
The saying of Solon, the Athenian sage, so 
potent in the life of the rich Croesus, has stood 
the test of the ages, that is, that no man can be 
properly estimated during his life-time. The 
world lost heavily in the taking away of Abra- 
ham Lincoln. The chaplet it has placed on his 
temples is a noble one. The North thought 
when he fell, that the grief was hers and only 
hers. It was the inspired lute of her own Walt 
Whitman which sang her mournful but sweet 
lamentation : 

Captain! my Captain! our fearful trip is My captain 
The ship has weather 'd every rack, the prize 
we sought is won, 
The port is near, the bells I hear, the people 
all exulting 
While follow eyes the steady Keel, the vessel 
grim and daring ; 
But heart ! heart ! heart ! 
the bleeding drops of red, 
Where on the deck my Captain lies, 
Fallen, cold and dead. 



Captain! my Captain! rise up and hear the 

Rise up — for you the flag is flung — for you the 

bugle trills ; 
For you the bouquets and ribboned wreaths — 
for you the shores a-crowding, 
For you they call, the swaying mass, their 
eager faces turning ; 

Here Captain ! dear father ! 
This arm beneath your head ! 

It is some dream that on the deck, 
You've fallen cold and dead. 

My Captain does not answer, his lips are pale 
and still, 
My father does not feel my arm, he has no 
pulse nor will, 
The ship is anchor 'd safe and sound, its voyage 
closed and done. 
From fearful trip the victor ship comes in 
with object won. 
Exult Shores, and ring bells ! 
But I with mournful tread, 

"Walk the deck my Captain lies, 
Fallen cold and dead. 

what makes This poem was published in the fiery, excit- 

Great ing and bitter days of 1865, immediately suc- 

ceeding the murder. Do you not notice its 
chief glory? Is it in its swinging rythmic 
metre and beauteous expression that real 



Americans have cause for congratulation and 
thankfulness? Yes, but these do not constitute 
its highest excellence. What does? Is it in 
the fact that it is one of the purest and sweetest 
poems Whitman ever wrote? Yes, this criti- 
cism is also true ; but it contains far more than 
this for all large-spirited men and women of 
our great country. What is it, indeed? It is 
that though sung in those days of burning an- 
ger and misunderstanding, there is not a single 
word of rancor in it. It is not a Psalm of a song of 


David, but song of Bethlehem — a message of 
peace and not of war — the voice of wisdom and 
not the product of "the narrow forehead of 
the fool": — It is written in the spirit of the 
great Lincoln himself ; it is written in the spirit 
in which Col. Watterson wrote on the Lincoln 
Centenary celebration: "Only a little while and 
there will not be a man living who saw service 
on either side of that great struggle. Its pas- 
sions long ago faded from manly bosoms. 
Meanwhile it is required of no one, whichever 
flag he served under, that he make renuncia- 
tions dishonoring himself. Bach may leave to 
posterity the casting of the balance between 
antagonistic schools of thought and opposing 
camps in action, where in both the essentials 
of fidelity and courage were so amply met. 
Nor is it the part of wisdom to regret a tale 
that is told. The issues that evoked the strife 
of sections are dead issues. The conflict which 



Dangers in 

No Wisdom 
in Sectional 

was thought to be irreconcilable and was cer- 
tainly inevitable, ended more than forty years 
ago. It was fought to its conclusion by fear- 
less and upright men. To some the result was 
logical ; to others it was disappointing ; to all it 
was final.' What have we to add to these 
manly words of Henry Watterson ? Just this : 
that aliens who quarrel should be reconciled, 
brothers who quarrel must. The brother who 
shuts himself in his room and makes his door 
the dead-line between himself and his brother 
not merely shuts off all love and progress, but 
exposes his premises to exploitation and attack. 
Americanization has lately 4 , been writ large 
upon our American skies. Its proper interpre- 
tation and the solution of its problems are 
bound up in one word — a George Washington 
word, an Abraham Lincoln word — the word 
union — not only Constitutional union but per- 
sonal union. There is absolutely no justifica- 
tion for sectional prejudice. Eventually it 
must lead, if not to presumption and insult, 
possibly attack from outsiders, at least to a re- 
newal of civil strife. When could such a thing 
take place? Just so soon as the issue at vari- 
ance becomes large enough. Could we ever 
have so great a question in America? When 
New England first sold her slaves to Southern 
cotton and sugar planters, who then foresaw 
that the question of African slavery had al- 
ready been decided against by the fates? But, 



as a matter of fact, great issues are not needed 
for the unleashing of the dogs of war. Small 
questions — worthless questions — are frequently 
the occasions (not the causes) of war. Note 
the Serajavo incident — the destruction of the 
Maine — the firing on Sumter. We all know 
that the murder of the Grand Duke of Austria 
and his family, in Serbia, was only the occasion 
of the late world war; the blowing up of the 
battleship, Maine, was not the cause of our war 
with Cuba; the firing on Sumter by a battery 
of Confederates in Charleston was not the 
cause of our Civil War. Germany \s desire to 
expand; the United States' desire to relieve its 
neighbor of Spanish tyranny and oppression ; 
the abrogation of African Slavery were the 
causes, but not the occasions of the respect- 
ive wars named. Issues become greatly 
exaggerated when prejudices run high or com- 
mercial necessities require. Whenever the when ciyii 

x War would 

material wealth and population of the two sec- be possible 

in America 

tions of our country become nearly if not quite 
equally balanced, then sectional prejudices, if 
prevalent, shall cause the hairy, bloody crest 
of civil war to again become erect. How is this 
possible? By the continued development of 
the South at its present rate of material prog- 
ress ; by the turning of immigration southward ; 
or by a realignment of sectional lines by means 
of portions of the great West, the new West, 
the post bellum part of the nation, becoming 



sympathetic commercially, with the new South. 
Is there any real danger of this to-day? I do 
not so believe. We may thank God for the 
growth of the anti-sectional spirit in our coun- 
try. I am sure there is no real manly American 
in the South who would advocate war against 
the North even if it were revealed to him by 
the fates, or otherwise, that the South would 
eventually win? And why? There are two 
reasons : The first is, that the spirit of Washing- 
ton and Lincoln is too strongly vital in the 
Sectionalism hearts of Southern men and women. The sec- 

a losing 

game on( j i s that the section of the country which 

would seek its empire would seek its own ruin 
eventually. This has been the history of all 
States seeking monopoly of government. 
"Hardwick declares," says David Starr Jordan 
in his Human Harvest, "that war is essential 
to the life of a nation ; war strengthens a nation 
morally, mentally and physically. ' Such 
statements as these set all history at defiance. 
War can only waste and corrupt. "All war is 
bad, some only worse than others.' "War has 
its origin in the evil passions of men, ' ' and even 
when unavoidable or righteous its effects are 
most baleful. The final effect of each strife for 
empire has been the degradation or extinction 
of the nation which led in the struggle.' Good 
and true words ! What is true of nations is 
true of sections. It is consequently the duty of 
every manly American to fight sectionalism in 



the true Lincolnian spirit. What is that spirit ? 
Let me put it in this way : There is a word 
which binds into one bundle — one multiple — 
all the nature and life and work of Abraham 
Lincoln. In that word was pictured, as the sun The word 

. . -i'i «t li pi ''Union'' 

is pictured in the ram-drop, the glory or the 
American government and people. It is the 
word Union. Do you see what I mean? In 
union there is strength ; in disunion there is 
weakness. In union there is progress ; in dis- 
union there is retrogression. In union there is 
independence ; in disunion there is dependence. 
In union there is self-respect ; in disunion there 
is humiliation and insult. In union there is 
freedom; in disunion there is slavery. The 
word became so strong a force in his life that 
it predominated him. " Stevens/ said he to ^ n ?™™ t[c 
the Vice-President of the Southern Confeder- 
acy, in that famous meeting to settle differences 
and end the war, "let me write ' Union' at the 
top of the page and you may write under it 
whatever you choose.' In the presence of 
those noble words, has the fire-eater and dema- 
gogical politician, North or South, who battens 
upon sectional prejudices, any real place on 
American soil? I do not think so. Let us add 
these words from his second inaugural. They 
are bright from the furnace and will never 
lose their lustre so long as the facade of the 
temple of American freedom — which means the 
union of its re-united people — looks out upon 




A Coronet 
of Freedom 



the rest of the world with a spotless purity! 
"With malice toward none; with charity for 
all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us 
to see the right let us strive on to finish the 
work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds, 
to care for him who shall have borne the battle, 
and for his widow and his orphan; to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and last- 
ing peace among ourselves and with all na- 
tions/ What jewel is the most valuable and 
sparkling by far of the jewels which make up 
this wonderful passage — a real coronet of 
American freedom and safety and wisdom? It 
is this: "to do all which may achieve and cher- 
ish a just and lasting peace among ourselves." 
Let us for a moment again turn our eyes 
upon the South. She again sits at her window, 
but no longer with pensive, wan and wasted 
weeping. She is no longer in tatters and want. 
She looks out upon a landscape of snow, 
strangely intermingled with silver and gold. 
The snow is her cotton — a great depth of 
it ; the silver and gold are her Indian corn 
and her wheat — exhaustless veins of them. 
In the near background may be seen, 
suspended over her growing cities (black when 
first ejected from massive stacks, but empur- 
pled by contact with the golden Southern sun) 
the haze of smoke indicative of a phenomenal 
growth of her manufactures and commerce. 
As the South looks upon this scene she smiles 



radiantly, and points it out to her former rival, 
but now warm sympathizer — in fact they are 
more closely united than ever before. Their 
children have intermarried ; they have stood 
together on the same battlefields ; the sons of 
the South have gone to the North; the sons of 
the North have come to the South ; homes have 
become interchanged ; the Northern merchant 
or manufacturer has become the Southern land- 
owner; the Southern land-owner has become 
the Northern merchant or manufacturer ; a new 
generation has been the product of this union — 
a real American union — disrupted on the ques- 
tion of African slavery by war because neither 
South nor North would listen, at the moment of 
crisis, to the words of Abraham Lincoln. The 
two sisters turn and grasp each other by both 
hands, gaze kindly each into the eyes of the 
other while the spirit of the martyred President 
once villified by both, but now loved by both, 
looming large in their visualization says, "Love 
ye each other and all shall be right with the 



Copyrighted by Miley & Son, Lexington, Va. 

"In him all that was pure and lofty in mind and 
purpose found lodgment. He came nearer the ideal 
of a soldier and Christian general than any man we 
can think of, for he was a greater soldier than Have- 
lock, and equally as devout a Christian." — Extract 
from editorial in The New York Herald. 

"I have met with many of the great men of my 
time, but Lee alone impressed me with the feeling 
that I was in the presence of a man who was cast in 
a grander mould and made of different and finer 
metal than all other men. 

— Lord Wolseley, British General. 

"The Commanding General earnestly exhorts the 
troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from 
unnecessary or wanton injury to private property; 
and he enjoins upon all officers to arrest and bring 
to summary punishment all who shall in any way 
offend against the orders on this subject." — General 
Orders 73, Chamber sburg , Pa., June 27, 1863. 
Page 68 


Robert Edward Lee 

N one of the many rooms of " Stratford, ' Robert 

.... E. Lee 

the famous Lee homestead, in Virginia, on 

January 19th, 1807, the eyes of Robert Edward 
Lee first opened upon the world to which he 
was to add the lustre of a great genius and the 
halo of an almost faultless personal life. Had 
his great mother, Anne Hill Carter Lee, as she 
clasped the babe to her bosom on that winter's 
day, visualized his great and fateful career, 
her heart would have trembled while it swelled 
with a pardonable pride. His mother con- 
tributed to his greatness not only the blood of 
Robert the Bruce, which coursed in her veins, 
but the rarest and finest instruction. His 
ideals were of the noblest. Three lives envel- 
oped him and moulded the man from material 
without dross: Jesus Christ, his mother and 
George Washington. This constituted him a 
man without offence, of great personal purity, 
and of a noble dignity. He was so regarded as 
a youth, as a Cadet at West Point (from which 
he graduated in 1829 with high honor), in the 
Mexican War, where he attained distinction, 
and throughout the Civil War. No American 
was so like Washington as was Robert E. Lee. 
They were both men of great physical comeli- 



ness and masterful presence. Had they lived 
in the days of the finest sculptured marbles, 
perpetuant of ideals of Olympian Zeus, 
both would have been sought out by Pheidias. 
They were both men of the greatest military 
genius, the loftiest honor, the most distin- 
guished truthfulness, the noblest courage and 
the most marvellous self-command under any 
circumstances which might arise. 

There is no need of going back of June 1, 

1862, to estimate the active career of General 

Lee. Up to that time he had but little prestige. 

Great The greatest soldier of the war had his hands 

Military & 

Talents tied during the previous year and two months, 

Not Known ° r - t ** 

by President Davis. The judgment of the lat- 
ter, in keeping the peerless fighter in a merely 
advisory and general service, was unfortunate 
for the South. The Federal bullet that tem- 
porarily took Joseph E. Johnston from the 
field, took away a brave man ; but it performed 
the greatest service of the war to the Confed- 
erates, by leaving Mr. Davis in great need of 
a commander-in-chief. Lee was the logical 
choice. Indeed, it was almost a Hobson's 
choice, on the part of Jefferson Davis, who was 
himself sometimes on the battlefield (in stove- 
pipe hat.) 
New Activity From the moment Lee had taken his bear- 
ings, the high-spirited generals under him felt 
the reins tighten. It was the driving of Apollo 
instead of Phaethon, and the fierce-mettled 



steeds got back into their course. The officers 
of the line, inclined to criticise the act that 
placed a tame staff official over "soldiers", soon 
had the ennui driven from their lives. Ag- 
gression was the key-note of Lee. Gaines' Mill 
and Malvern Hill, the first great successes of 
the new commander, commensurate with his 
first opportunity, witnessed a brilliant defeat 
of a brilliant soldier, George B. McClellan, and 
relieved Richmond, for three years, of what ? e He™d nd 
appeared certain capitulation. The fact that 
Lee went to the attack in the face of the advice 
of his generals at that time, showed his self- 
reliance, and the victory over a great army, 
showed the wisdom of his plans. His great 
losses, in those seven days' fighting around 
Richmond, was not due to any error of his. 
"However it was," says Thomas Nelson Page, 
"Lee relieved Richmond, and the war, from 
being based on a single campaign, was now a 
matter of years and treasure, and the years 
and the treasure that it required were mainly 
due to Lee's transcendant genius. It is prob- 
able that but for Lee the war would not have 
lasted two years." 

The disastrous defeat of Pope at the second 
battle of Manassas, within six weeks further, 
established Lee's reputation as a master of 
strategy and attracted general attention to the 
wonderful fighting qualities of "Stonewall stonewall 
Jackson". E. Benjamin Andrews, a northern rising star 




Fatality of 
a handful 
of cigars 

critic, says of Jackson that he was not only an 
intensely religious man but also a stern dis- 
ciplinarian. "In consequence, when the day 
of battle came, there was not a man in the corps 
who did not feel sure that if he shirked dutv 
Stonewall Jackson would shoot him and God 
Almighty would damn him. This helped to 
render Jackson's thirty thousand perhaps the 
most efficient fighting machine which had ap- 
peared upon the battlefield since the Ironsides 
of Oliver Cromwell.' One feels this last 
statement to be true, and, it being true, General 
Lee was peculiarly fortunate in having such a 
lieutenant. After the second Manassas, "Lee's 
boldest and possibly the most masterly piece of 
strategy in the whole war, and one of the most 
daring movements in the history of wars," Lee 
wrote to President Davis that the Confederate 
States could propose with propriety, to the 
United States, the recognition of the South 's 
independence. It was partly for this purpose 
he entered Maryland, hoping the people of that 
State would declare for the South and thus 
strengthen the chances for peace. But Mary- 
land remained neutral. Unfortunately for the 
cause of the South, also, Lee's plan for the cap- 
ture of McClellan's army and the eventual cap- 
ture of Washington was found wrapped around 
a small bundle of cigars carelessly lost by some 
Confederate official, on the site of D. H. Hill's 
encampment at Frederick. Notwithstanding, 



he did not recross the Potomac until he had 
captured Harper's Ferry with 12,500 prisoners, 
and had, at Antietam, the most sanguinary bat- 
tle of the war, withstood successfully the 
splendid fighting troops of McClellan 's large 
army. His challenge for a fight the next day 
after the battle, not being accepted, he crossed 
to the Southern side of the Potomac. It was 
immediately after Antietam that Lee sent 
Stuart for the second time, entirely around the 
Army of McClellan — a distance of 126 miles, 
with 1800 men, — one of the most brilliant cav- 
alry actions in history. He had no losses. 

Although the accidental finding of Lee's Military 

° ° Fame 

despatch made Lee's invasion of Maryland a increased 
failure, generally speaking, what he accom- 
plished there with only 35,000 badly equipped 
troops opposed by the finely furnished 87,000 
troops of McClellan, added greatly to his mili- 
tary fame. The campaign was one of the most 
daring in all warfare. The world suddenly, by 
this act, and the seven days of earlier fighting 
about Richmond, awaked to the fact that Lee, 
hitherto known as a brilliant tactician of de- 
fense, was as aggressive as Hannibal and as 
daring as Alexander. By mid-December Lee 
added the victory of Fredericksburg, a defen- 
sive battle, to his military glory. General 
Burnside, who had superseded General McClel- 
lan, sacrificed on that terrible altar, 12,653 as 
brave men as ever fought, and the equally 



brave Confederate army lost 5,322. The world 
run anew with praises of Lee. Many thought 
the war won. But Lee was sad. He greatly 
desired peace, and hoped that the North would 
grant both that and independence for the 
Christmas South. Writing, to his wife on Christmas, im- 

Letter ° 7 

mediately succeeding his victory, he said: "I 
will commence this holy day by writing to you. 
My heart is filled with gratitude to God for the 
unspeakable mercies with which He has blessed 
us in this day; for those He has granted us 
from the beginning of life, and particularly 
those He has vouchsafed us during the past 
year. What should become of us without His 
crowning help and protection? Oh! if our 
people would only recognize it and cease from 
vain self-boasting and adulation, how strong 
would be my belief in final success and happi- 
ness to our country But what a cruel thing is 
war to separate and destroy families and 
friends, and mar the purest joys and happiness 
God has granted us in this world, to fill our 
hearts with hatred instead of love for our neigh- 
bors, and to devastate the fair face of this 
beautiful world ! ' ' 

I think we may all say with Thomas Nelson 
Page, who quotes this letter in his Life of Lee : 
"Should the portrait of a victorious general be 
drawn, I know no better example than this 
simple outline of a Christian soldier drawn out 
of his heart that Christmas morning in his tent, 



while the world rang with his victory two 
weeks before. It is a portrait of which the 
South may well be proud/ I should like to 
amend this by adding that it is a protrait of 
which every broad-spirited, red-blooded Amer- 
ican may well be proud. 

Two months and a little more and Lee Chancei- 


had added the most brilliant to his string of 
victories — Chancellorsville. The plan of bat- 
tle, on the part of Lee, was audacity itself. 
Ten thousand troops he kept himself to watch 
the "fighting Joe". Twenty-five thousand he 
sent with Jackson in command, to encircle 
Hooker's far flung right and destroy it. This 
was done most effectually, and General 
Hooker's noble army escaped entire destruc- 
tion, as most military critics say, by the acci- 
dental, mortal wounding of Stonewall Jackson 
by his own troops. It was a battle in which 
the bravest troops on both sides fought for 
every inch of ground ; it was the successful is- 
sue of an audacious attempt of Lee against 
an army of fine fighters, outnumbering his 
own army two to one ; it was a victory which 
placed Lee among the world's great military 
tacticians and daring commanders and which 
set the tongues of people wagging in every 
capital in Europe. But withal, it was almost A Pyrrhic 

. . ' Victory 

a Pyrrhic victory, for in Jackson's fall that 
was lost which could not be replaced. The eyes 
which "burnt with a brilliant glow" in battle, 





Greatness of 
one man not 
upon another 

were forever closed, and Lee regarded it as one 
of the blackest and most unfortunate days of 
his life. With the tenderness of a woman he 
was caring for the wounded of both armies in 
Chancellorsville, when he received the news of 
Jackson's mishap. "I should have chosen/ 
wrote Lee to his wounded General, . "for the 
good of the country, to be disabled in your 
stead.' Lee, in announcing the death of Jack- 
son to the army, May 11, 1863, said: "While 
we mourn his death we feel that his spirit still 
lives, and will inspire the whole army with his 
indomitable courage, and unshaken confidence 
in God as our hope and strength." 

To his wife and son he poured out his heart : 
"It is a terrible loss" said he to his son. "I do 
not know how to replace him. Any victory 
would be dear at such a cost. But God's will 
be done.' To General J. B. Hood, a week or 
more afterward he wrote: "I grieve much over 
the death of General Jackson. For our sakes, 
not for his. He is happy and at peace. But 
his spirit lives with us. I hope it will raise up 
many Jacksons in our ranks.' 

It is a mistake to make the greatness of a 
really great man rest essentially upon another. 
Those historians err who declare that without 
McClellan, Grant would have been impossible 
as do those who think that Lee lost all when he 
lost Stonewall Jackson. What McClellan did 
by way of organizing and equipping a great 



army can not be left out of consideration when 
we estimate the success of Grant, nevertheless, 
the latter possessed intrinsically those qualities 
of stubbornness and indomitable perseverance 
which made him a great general. Precisely 
the same thing may be said of Lee and Jackson. 
There is no doubting the wonderful executive 
talent of the Achillean, swift-moving Jackson, 
in what he did for Lee, and there is no doubt 
that Lee would have accomplished a more posi- 
tive success if Jackson had not been killed, yet 
the great military genius of Lee emits its own 
deathless flames. 

From Culpeper, the day of a successful bat- 
tle, on June 9th, in which Stuart's cavalry 
defeated rather disastrously that under Stone- 
man, Lee wrote to his wife: "The country here 
looks very green and pretty, notwithstanding 
the ravages of war. What a beautiful world 
God in His loving kindness to His creatures has 
given us ! What a shame that men endowed 
with reason and knowledge of right should 
mar His gifts ! ' ' 

Lee now hoped that by crossing the Potomac Why Lee 
he might get provisions and shoes for his army Pennsylvania 
and, if he could defeat the Federal army (now 
commanded by General Geo. G. Meade, an ac- 
complished and gallant officer), the North 
might be persuaded to grant peace and inde- 
pendence to the Confederate States. This is 
evidenced by a long letter written by him to 




meant to 

Takes the 
Blame upon 

President Davis at the time. Thus began the 
memorable campaign culminating in the battle 
of Gettysburg (July 1-3, 1863). What Water- 
loo was to Napoleon, Gettysburg was to Lee. 
Victor Hugo declared that Napoleon lost 
Waterloo because the rains of the previous 
night made it impossible to carry out his orders 
in reference to his artillery. Many historians 
say that Longstreet's failure to obey Lee's or- 
ders at Gettysburg kept Lee's army from a 
great victory. President E. Benjamin An- 
drews, a Union soldier, declares that "had 
Stonewall Jackson been still alive and in the 
place of either' 1 Ewell or Longstreet, "the 
issue of the battle would almost to a certainty 
have been very different from what it was.' 
Let it be known however, that Lee took upon 
himself the whole blame with his usual noble 

A noticeable thing about Lee was that he had 
sense enough to keep silent when he was mis- 
judged and criticised. Another was that he 
had heart enough to take all possible blame 
upon himself when it might have been placed 
upon weaker men who failed him at critical 
moments. And his quality of modesty was 
clear, pure and without cant or false light. 
His manliness was so great, so vicarious, so 
militant that he bore, without complaint, the 
sins of others. "So far as has ever been made 
apparent, every plan which Lee formed for the 



battle of Gettysburg, every order which he 
gave, was wise and right," says President An 
drews. The latter continues: "In Prussia's 
war with Austria in 1866, Von Moltke's plan at 
the battle of Sadowa, where he splendidly 
triumphed, was in the same respect a close 
imitation of Lee's at Gettysburg.' Thomas Judgment 

* of the 

Nelson Page, in his Life of Lee, thinks that Future 
"the judgment of the future is likely to be, 
that while on the Northern side the corps com- 
manders made amends for lack of plan and 
saved the day by their admirable co-operation, 
on the Southern side the plan of the command- 
ing general was defeated by the failure of the 
corps commanders to act promptly and in con- 
cert.' There was stinging criticism of Lee in 
the South for not winning the battle, as there 
was of Meade in the North for his not winning 
it and destroying the army of Lee. Meade was 
eventually superseded by Grant. Lee stopped 
the mouths of his critics by taking the whole 
blame and offering to resign. 

Military critics will continue to talk of the Great 
battle of Gettysburg as long as the printer's art on both sides 
lasts. Some will say it was a drawn battle, as 
Lee lay for ten days in the face of Meade's army 
and then leisurely crossed the Potomac with 
4000 prisoners. Whatever the verdict in this 
respect, all agree that never in the world's his- 
tory was more valorous fighting done on both 
sides. General Meade showed himself a noble 




Condition of 
Lee's Army 

soldier, and if Lee was defeated at Gettysburg, 
Meade enjoys a distinction that is his alone. 
If Lee was defeated it was in the particular 
that he had to recross the Potomac without the 
supplies for which he had primarily gone into 
Pennsylvania. He went back to Virginia al- 
ready exhausted of men and resources. The 
blockade tightened. To feed and clothe his 
men was a greater problem than to win battles. 
In the meantime Grant's ever-increasing 
avalanche swept down against those ragged 
gray lines threatening to overwhelm them, but 
without success. President Davis said to Lee, 
who, after Gettysburg, asked for a man of 
greater ability to be put in his place: "To ask 
me to substitute for you some one, in my judg- 
ment, more fit to command or who would pos- 
sess more of the confidence of the army, or of 
the reflecting men of the country, is to demand 
an impossibility. 7 The days following, up to 
the close of the war, two years thereafter, 
showed this to be eminently true. The army 
of Northern Virginia kept its confidence in 
their leader to the bitter end. Had Hannibal's 
troops, somewhat under the same sort of condi- 
tions, been so attached to their commander, 
Rome would have fallen. In the cold winter of 
1864 thousands of Lee's troops were without 
blankets, socks or shoes, and often without 
food. But the army kept its spirit of cheerful- 
ness and devotion to its leader. Again and 



again the great Grant, with his brave army, 
plunged against that pitifully few and 
meagrely clothed force; but without exception 
experienced a thud instead of a yielding. 
Again and again President Lincoln insisted 
that not Richmond, the capital of the Confeder- 
acy, but Lee's army, its defender, be made the 
objective of the army of the Potomac. But in 
vain. The fires which surrounded that Brun- 
hilde on the banks of the James could not be 
penetrated; for the central "feed' of those 
fires was the heart and talents of Lee. North Grant 

admired in 

and South, the Americans who love Lee never the south 
fail to exalt his opponent, General Grant. 
They do this because of the great qualities of 
Grant, for Lee's front was the school master 
that led him to greatness. Had he not pos- 
sessed great qualities as a commander his large 
army could not have withstood the patched 
and mended gray columns of that wonderful, 
aggressive tactician. This was seen at the 
Wilderness, at Spottsylvania and at Cold Har- 
bor. At the former, Lee justified the criticism 
of Henderson who said that he was "a pro- 
found thinker following the highest principles 
of the military art.' There Grant showed the 
stuff of which he was made. For, as Rodes 
sa} x s, "measured by casualties the advantage 
was with the Confederates' (Grant losing 17,- 
666 men, the Confederates half that number), 
Grant reported that he would fight again. To 



quote Thomas Nelson Page : i ' He had supreme 
self-confidence based on rare courage and rare 
ability to command and to fight, and he knew 
that he outnumbered Lee more than two to one, 
and that in his army were the flower of the 
North, men as valorous as ever drew breath.' 
Grant also possessed great shrewdness, for in- 
stead of either retreating or fighting he rushed 
forward his men to Spottsylvania, a position, 
which if attained, would make Richmond a 
sure prey. But Lee divined his purpose and 
outstripped him. At Spottsylvania, Lee's line 
was partially broken, and he determined to re- 
store it, as it had never been broken before. 
Heart-sick At that time having had the indescribable mis- 
of e Generai 0S£ fortune of losing his great cavalry leader, J. E. 
B. Stuart, he placed himself at the head of the 
charging columns. But his men refused to 
move forward with their idolized commander 
in such hazard. He retired to his point of 
observation in the rear and the charge that 
restored the line was led by General John B. 
Gordon. The loss of General Stuart cut Lee to 
the heart, and was almost as great a loss as the 
death of Stonewall Jackson. He had been at 
West Point with Custis Lee, had been much in 
the Lee household, and General Lee loved him 
as he did his own son, Custis. He had declared 
on the death of Jackson, that he had lost his 
right hand ; he lost his left hand when Stuart 
was shot from his horse at Spottsylvania. 







General Sedgwick, the notable Union com- Sedgewick's 

opinion of 

mander of the Sixth Corps, of Grant's army, Stuart 
said of General Stuart: "He was the best cav- 
alry officer ever foaled in America.' Lee, in 
announcing Stuart's death to his army said: 
"To military capacity of a high order and to 
the nobler virtues of the soldier he added the 
brighter graces of a pure life, guided and sus- 
tained by the Christian's faith and hope.' It 
is noticeable that Lee, in estimating men, places 
the highest value upon their personal Christian 

After Spottsylvania came Cold Harbor. The 
task of keeping from Richmond, Grant's army, 
which by this time nearly trebled his own, was 
a terrible responsibility for Lee. An added 
seriousness of the situation was relieved when 
General Butler, with 35,000 new troops, was, 
as General Grant himself said, "soon in a bottle 
which Beauregard had corked, and with a small 
force could hold the cork in place.' Neverthe- 
less, 12,000 of those troops escaped and were 
added to Grant's legions when he and Lee 
faced each other on that terrible field of Cold 
Harbor — McClellan's former position. Again 
and again Lee's line proved unassailable. 

Again and again Grant's inflexible resolution 
pushed his brave men into that terrible mael- 
strom of death, until finally they refused to move. 
It was another Balaclava on a greater scale. 
"Cold Harbor,' said General Grant after the 

Battle of 
Cold Harbor 

[59 J 


war, ' li is the only battle I ever fought that I 
would not fight over again under the circum- 
stances.' Was there ever a greater fighter than 
the American soldier? Certainly the courage 
shown by officers and men of both sides during 
that Virginia campaign, has not been surpassed 
by any soldiers in any age. The losses of 
Grant, in thirty days in that campaign were 
enormous in killed and wounded. Lee, while 
losing only about one-third as many could less 
afford the loss than Grant. I quote again from 
President E. Benjamin Andrews. "Gettysburg 
convinced Lee that he could toy with the 
Potomac army no longer, and this was more 
than ever impossible after Grant took com- 
mand. This struggle [the Wilderness, Spott- 
sylvania, and Cold Harbor] tested both com- 
manders' mettle to the utmost. At the end of 
the hammering campaign, after losing men 
enough to form an army as large as Lee's, 
Grant's van was full twice as far from Rich- 
mond as McClellan's had been two years be- 
Lee's last But slowly and surely were the intrepid 

soldiers of Lee marching toward their last 
trenches. As another has said, "bravery in 
camp and field and deathless endurance at 
home could not take the place of bread.' 
Although Petersburg, the key to Richmond, 
withstood a siege of ten months, and the iron- 
willed, indomitable Grant had lost before those 



fiery gates 60,000 more men, other agencies Their terrible 

J & defence 

contributed irresistibly to the close of the war. 
With the fall of Vicksburg everything to the 
West of the Mississippi was lost. And so with 
Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri and Louisiana. 
Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia having been 
cut off by Sherman's march to the sea, the veins 
of the Confederacy were opened unto the death. 
Add to this the fact that Lee's starving few 
were finally outnumbered five to one and yet he 
kept that line unbroken, until he laid down his 
arms at Appomattox, April 9, 1865. All this 
was done in the face of an alert, relentless, well- 
fed, well-clothed and brave army led by one of 
the world's great commanders whose greatness 
bespeaks to friend and foe the greatness of Lee. 
"Let us ask critics versed in the history of 
war' sayg President Andrews, a brave Union 
soldier, "if books! tell of generalship more 
complete than this!" 

When the two great commanders met in the Two Great 

Men meet 

McLean parlor, at Appomattox, Va., April 9, 
1865, there were polite greetings between the 
two. Lee wore his sword. Grant apologized 
for not wearing his, saying it had gone off in 
the baggage. Terms were soon arranged. 
There was no tender of sword on the part of 
Lee, nor did Grant require it. By the terms 
all men were paroled and officers were allowed 
to retain their horses, their baggage and their 
side-arms. General Lee was courteous, digni- 



fied and sad; Grant was considerate, magnan- 
imous and calm. When the two men, the 
greatest Generals of the two armies, left that 
parlor, the war was at an end, so far as they 
were concerned. Both were great masters of 
military science. But both were men of peace. 
It remained for smaller men — men neither 
great in war nor in peace — to continue the 
prejudices of the war. President Andrew 
Johnson, a Southern man, took measures to 
have Lee indicted for treason. All real Ameri- 
cans, North and South, regret this. But too 
much must not be made of it. A well known 
fact in human history, that prejudices some- 
times control large intellects, had its applica- 
Grant tion in the case of President Johnson. General 

protests . . 

Grant protested against such a violation of the 
terms of his surrender. The matter was drop- 
ped as wholly untenable in accordance with the 
Constitution of the United States. It was a 
mistake of the times, when men's blood boiled 
anew at the assassination of President Lincoln, 
a deed denounced by Lee in the strongest 
terms. Another mistake of the times was to 
permit this great and fine spirit to go to his 
grave without amnesty on the part of the 
country he always loved and on the history of 
which he cast a brilliance, in the estimation of 
the world, which will illumine the pages of all 
America's future historians. 



For there is justice in history. Prejudice 
which hides truth in one age ceases to exist in 
succeeding ages, so that whatever it hid is dis- 
closed to the view. Just as rains and frosts 
corrode and wash away and break away the 
laminae of earth and gravel and rock until the 
veins of rich gold appear upon the surface, thus 
our prejudices clear away before breadth of 
spirit and justice until the truth is revealed. 
Has not that day come to the American people ? 
Their enemies should not be those of their own 
household. General Lee led the age in his lack 
of prejudice. "I have fought against the peo- 
ple of the North" he said to Dr. Pendleton, a 
clergyman who was resenting the desire of 
Johnson to indict him, "because I believed they 
were seeking to wrest from the South its dear- 
est rights. But I have never cherished toward 
them bitter or vindictive feelings, and have 
never seen the day I did not pray for them.' ? 
That was the spirit of Lee, not only in defeat The Spirit 

. of the 

but also when flushed with victory. It calls, great leaders 

a • • c* /-N against 

as does the Appomattox spirit of General Sectionalism 
Ulysses S. Grant, for every American to belittle 
sectionalism. In any part of our great country 
where it may show its head it should be smit- 
ten. For why should brothers continue their 
quarrels while the alien usurps and destroys 
the home ? 

It belittles the great to apply to them epithets 
of extravagant admiration. No one would feel 



more hurt by them than would General Lee. 
But it is difficult indeed to discover what may 
be termed extravagances in reference to him, 
although the finest things have been said of 
him. At his death the greatest editors, states- 
men and soldiers of the world sought to do 
honor to his greatness. The New York Herald 
said: "In him the military genius of America 
was developed to a greater extent than ever 

The Christian before. He was a greater soldier than Have- 

the world's lock, and equally as devout as a Christian." I 
close with the concluding sentence of the com- 
mendation by the famous soldier, Lord Wolseley, 
of the lamented Lee : "I believe he will not only 
be regarded as the most prominent figure of the 
Confederacy, but as the greatest American of 
the 19th century, whose statue is well worthy 
to stand on an equal pedestal with that of 
Washington and whose memor}^ is equally 
worthy to be enshrined in the hearts of all his 

? ? 



Political Reformer 

Copyrighted by Harris & Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

"Of illustrious men the whole earth is the sepulchre. 
They are immortalized not alone by columns and 
inscriptions in their own lands; memorials to them 
arise in foreign countries as well — not of stone, it 
may be, but unwritten, in the thoughts of posterity." 

— Thucydides. 

"In my judgment, no man is a good American who 
is not, of course, an American first — an American 
before he is a member of any section of the American 
people such as a party or a class." — Theodore Roose- 
velt, in the New Nationalism. 

"Take what I mean when I speak of the square 
deal. I mean not only that each man should act 
fairly and honestly under the rules of the game as it 
is now played, but I mean also that if the rules give 
improper advantage to some set of people, then let 
us change the rules of the game." 

— Theodore Roosevelt. 

Theodore Roosevelt 

1 THEODORE ROOSEVELT was the twenty- Theodore 
17 Roosevelt 
fifth President of the United States. He was 

the first city-born man to reach that great place. 
Presidential timber usually grows in the coun- 
try and not along the curbs and in the parks of 
our cities. Nevertheless his was as sturdy a 
growth as those which withstood the cold blasts 
of the mountain forests or the sultry heat of 
the plantations. Despite the fact that he was 
born with a silver spoon in his mouth, he was as 
democratic as Abraham Lincoln who was born 
in a log-cabin, or Andrew Johnson, the tailor, 
or James A. Garfield, the canal-boy, each of the 
cradles of whom was almost as lowly as th&t 
of the Manger itself. He was as much a self- 
made man as any one of those. Why do I say v 
this? From the fact that it is as difficult for a 
rich young man to overcome temptation to a 
life of idleness and ease and train for the hard- 
ships that meet the ordinary man in life as it 
is for a poor young man to overcome obstacles 
which beset his way. How do we know this? 
The history of the Presidency is convincing 
inductive proof of the fact. Nearly every o#e 
of the men who has filled that lofty chair has 
come from an humble family. Can you think 



that such a remarkable fact is an accident? I 
do not think so. Neither can you suppose 
that no great intellects are born among the rich. 
It is much more logical to say that men who are 
born rich and who grow up in wealthy circum- 
stances, frequently succumb to lives of ease. 

Pain is the most dreaded of all disciplin- 
arians. But ifhas been the agent of glory not 
only for the saint but also for the statesman. 
What do I mean by this? I mean that as sick- 
ness has often wrenched religious character 
into shape for its heavenly place, so has the 
strength acquired in overcoming it by many 
statesmen been the stepping stone to patriotic 
preeminence and popularity. "With them it has 
been a third step to heaven (Pelion # * * * ter- 
sickiiest tius caelo gradus). Theodore Roosevelt, 

of Babies .,,.„.- 

strongest of men, was sickliest of babies. For 
years he gasped for breath upon the large, 
warm heart and in the strong, incubatorial 
arms of his father. These literally insulated 
the infant from death, carrying the tiny tot 
through many long, lonely nights and over 
many miles in quest of fresh air. The father 
who holds his hardy boy to his heart enfolds a 
precious, but not always a prize, package. But 
who of us may properly estimate the value to 
America of that little bundle held in the arms 
of Theodore Roosevelt the elder? 
Two Sources Two streams coursed broadly through the 
veins of Theodore Roosevelt. One was made 



up of fighting blood, rapid, impulsive, tumbling 
on its way over all obstacles ; the other was con- 
stituted of human sympathies and justice, 
serenely flowing onward vitalizing and fructi- 
fying everything it touched. What were the 
sources of these streams? The fighting blood 
came from the mother, the beautiful Martha 
Bulloch, great-grand-daughter of Governor 
Archibald Bulloch (Georgia's first chief Execu- 
tive during the Revolution), and sister of two 
Confederate Naval officers — Admiral J. D. Bul- 
loch and midshipman Irvine S. Bulloch. The 
philanthropic blood came from Theodore 
Roosevelt Sr., father of the President, who 
spent most of his life in deeds of personal 
philanthropy, having retired from business for 
that purpose. Do any of you believe in hered- 
ity? Do any of you beileve in the saying, 
"Blood will tell"? If you do, what do you 
think of this lineage of this great man? Do 
you not think that the lineage justifies the man 
and that the man justifies the lineage? Do 
you not believe that this is true, whether you 
believe in heredity or not? 

Accordingly there were two men under the £ w0 


physical aspect of Theodore Roosevelt. One 
was the genial companion and democratic spirit 
which drew men to him everywhere ; this was 
the "pard' of the rough and ready cow-boy 
who liked him because he always did his part 
of the work and held up his end of the log; 



this was the sympathetic Colonel who shared 
the discomforts and dangers of his men and 
won their love ; this was the man who gave up 
his position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy 
to enter the war for the relief of Cuba ; this was 
the man who declared, with great meaning, "I 
would work as quick beside Pat Dugan as with 
the last descendants of the Patroon;" this was 
the Lieutenant-Colonel who on the four hot, 
dusty days" from Texas to Tampa gave up his 
sleeping car berth, which had been provided 
for him as an officer, to a sick soldier (it is in- 
deed refreshing to know of such a thing as 
that in the light of many late happenings among 
soldiers) ; this is the officer who bunked with 
his men in Tampa instead of taking up com- 
The intensely fortable quarters in the hotel (There is reallv 

Human " 

Roosevelt something of Achillean and Alexanderian 

hardiwood, sympathy and sapiency in such an 
act) ; this was the soldier who showed his great 
courage and presence of mind on the fields of 
Las Guasimas and San Juan, leading his troops 
and those of others in several famous charges 
in which ten per cent of his Rough Riders were 
killed or wounded; this is the Colonel who 
went among the wounded after Las Guasimas 
and said : "Boys, if there is a man at home who 
wouldn't be proud to change places with you, 
he isn't worth his salt, and he is not a true 
American;" this is the Colonel who went 
among those wounded boys, carrying them 



dainties and sympathy, with such words as 
these, " Don't get up boys, lie still. Ah, Jim, 
how's your leg feeling to-day? Getting bet- 
ter? That's good. You'll soon be all right 
now. Billy, I hope your back doesn't trouble 
you so much to-day.' (Vide Morgan) — this was 
the Roosevelt of whom Joseph Bucklin Bishop, 
editor of Theodore Roosevelt 's Letters to his chil- 
dren, says : ' ' Deep and abiding love of children, 
of family and home, that was the dominating 
passion of his life. With that went love for 
friends and fellow-men, and for all things, 
birds, animals, trees, flowers, and nature in all 
its moods and aspects.' What more can or 
need be said? Do not these great qualities of 
unselfishness, courage, sympathy, thoughtful- 
ness, gentleness, simplicity, love of children 
and love of home place him among the great 
and in the presence and companionship of 
Jesus Christ? 

It is never safe to use absolute statements 
about any person or event It is considered a 
trait of intellectual weakness to do this. For 
instance, there are those who say that Theodore 
Roosevelt was the greatest American. There 
is not yet any necessity nor wise desire to go 
into a question of that kind. We may, how- 
ever, all say that he is one of the greatest of 
Americans. I say that not as a republican, but 
as a democrat and a Southern-born man. It 
has never been difficult to see and feel his great- 



America most 

Great in the 

ness. We do not have to hunt for it through 
a mass of sectionalism. He loved the South, 
for it was the home of his mother. He loved 
the North, for it was the home of his father. 
But he loved America more than he did any 
part of it. 

Home is the revealer of the man. Would 
you know about Theodore Roosevelt's home- 
life? There you shall find the golden key 
which unlocks the dearest secrets of the soul of 
this man who was such a strenuous fighter for 
civic righteousness. In his home "the eternal 
child's heart in the man cries out.' 1 The great 
man there placed himself absolutely on an 
equality with wife and children. There he 
was a flood of sunshine and a jolly companion, 
engaging in romps and rides and games and 
pillow-fights, longed for before he came and 
missed when he was gone. These things are 
richly disclosed in his Letters to His Children. 
This volume, by Joseph Bucklin Bishop, I re- 
gard as one of the richest legacies left to the 
home life in a hundred generations. Shall I 
select one of the letters, chosen for its brevity? 
It is to little Quentin, and dated Del Monte, 
Calif., May 10, 1903: Dearest Quenty-Quee : I 
loved your letter. I am very homesick for 
mother and you children; but I have enjoyed 
this week's travel. I have been among the 
orange groves, where the trees have oranges 
growing thick upon them, and there are more 



flowers than you have ever seen. I have a gold 
top which I shall give you if Mother thinks you 
can take care of it. Perhaps I shall give you a 
silver bell instead. Whenever I see a little 
boy being brought up by his father or mother 
to look at the procession as we pass by, I think 
of you and Archie and feel very homesick. 
Sometimes little boys ride in the procession on 
their ponies, just like Archie on Algonquin." 
Here is a short extract from quite a long letter Extract froi 
to his son Kermit, who was in school. It was Kermit r 
written from the White House in June, 1905, 
and goes into detail about a family picnic at 
Pine Knot: "As we found that cleaning dishes 
took up an awful time, we only took two meals 
a day, which was all we wanted. On Saturday 
evening I fried two chickens for dinner, while 
Mother boiled the tea [probably meaning 
boiled the water for the tea], and we had cher- 
ries and wild strawberries, as well as biscuits 
and cornbread. To my pleasure Mother great- 
ly enjoyed the fried chicken and admitted that 
what you children had said of the way I fried 
chicken was all true. In the evening we sat 
out a long time on the piazza, and then read in- 
doors, and then went to bed.' These extracts 
tell the spirit of all the letters. There are 
many of them. There is no preaching or cross- 
ness in any of them. 

So much for what would be called the heart- 
side of this picturesque personality. What 



may be said about that other side of him — his 
The intellectual side ? Did he have as great a mind 


side of as heart? Of course his blind worshipers, of 


whom he had thousands, think so. But do 
serious minded, thoughtful men and women of 
America accord him this judgment? So far as 
I have been able to determine, they do. Of 
course there are people of violent prejudices 
who think it would show weakness in them to 
admit the real greatness of Mr. Roosevelt. But 
these people are unfortunate in their limita- 
tions. While they would have with them some 
of respectable lives and good intellects, none of 
them might lay claim to broad-mindedness and 
fairness. But would that be all? By no 
means. They would find among their associ- 
ates many who hate the former President on 
account of their own unrighteousness, or un- 
a fight for Prom the first day on which Mr. Roosevelt 


from the first stepped into the political arena he was opposed 
by the unrighteous element of his own party. 
This included the bosses, little and big. (He was 
never favored by political bosses, except when 
they were compelled to do so by his popular- 
ity.) In the beginning of his career they 
whipped him often ; but sometimes he whipped 
them. They whipped him once too often. 
That was when Mr. Piatt, the New York Repub- 
lican boss, nominated him for the Vice-Presi- 
dency in order to spoil his chances of the Presi- 



dency. As it eventually turned out, it was a 
door to the Presidency, flung open by the death 
of President McKinley. But did Mr. Roose- 
velt think the bosses wholly bad? Not by any 
means. He liked Mr. Piatt, Mr. Hanna and 
Mr. Quay, as men. Why did he not join them? 
He thought the boss-system encouraged graft 
and immorality. Did he not believe that there 
should be political leaders and party organi- 
zation? He did; but was careful to distinguish 
between the leader and what was known as the 
boss. Hear him on this question: "A leader is Distinguishing 

between a 

necessary; but his opponents always call him a Leader and 
boss. An organization is always necessary but 
the men in opposition always call it a machine. 
Nevertheless, there is a real and deep distinc- 
tion between the leader and the boss, between 
organizations and machines. A political leader 
who fights openly for principles and who keeps 
his position of leadership by stirring the con- 
sciences and convincing the intellects of his fol- 
lowers, so that they have confidence in him and 
will follow him because they can achieve 
greater results under him than under any one 
else, is doing work which is indispensable in a 
democracy. The boss, on the other hand, is a 
man who does not gain his power by open 
means, but by secret means and usually by cor- 
rupt means. A boss of this kind can pull wires 
in conventions, can manipulate members of the 
Legislature, can control the giving or withhold- 

[ 77 ] 


ing of office, and serves as intermediary for 
bringing together the powers of corrupt politics 
and corrupt business. The machine is simply 
another name for the kind of organization 
which is certain to grow up in a party or a 
section of a party controlled by such bosses as 
these and their henchmen, whereas, of course, 
an effective organization of decent men is essen- 
tial in order to secure decent politics.' 
when the When did opposition begin against Mr. 

Bosses began x x ° 

to fight him Roosevelt? The opposition began by the bosses 
when, aged 23, as a member of the Legislature, 
Mr. Roosevelt carried a motion to impeach a 
corrupt judge. As first he stood alone. What 
was the result? The bosses suppressed the bill, 
and decided that he was "no good.' Did they 
succeed in defeating him the next year? No, 
for that was the year Grover Cleveland swept 
the state, as a civil service reformer by 200,000 
majority. So strong was Rooesvelt's feeling 
for reform that he showed his willingness to 
support Governor Cleveland in certain reforms. 
It was in the Legislature that Mr. Roosevelt 
was first found "impossible' by the machine. 
It was in the Legislature that a politician, in 
trying to remove Mr. Roosevelt's objections to 
a bill, urged him not to "let the Constitution 
come between friends.' There he learned his 
"first real lesson in politics," to stand alone for 
a clear principle, but to work with men as they 

First Lesson a re until such an emergency comes.' There he 



told the people of the "bitter cry of the 
crowded sweat shops of the city tenements' 
and had a bill passed for their relief. It was 
there, as chairman of a Committee he investi- 
gated New York City official life, exposed a 
great deal of graft, and gave the people of 
New York the chance to secure good govern- 

But has it ever been possible for a really 
romantic nature to satisfy his soul with the 
hubbub of politics? Such at least was not the 
case with Mr. Roosevelt, one of the most ro- 
mantic of men. Between legislative sessions Answers the 

& m Call of the 

he answered the call of the wilderness and wild 
sought the vast, mysterious silences and hard- 
ships of the golden West. His open nature, 
kindliness, democratic spirit, and readiness to 
do his part, won him the love of the plainsmen. 
The exposure to the snows and the hard, open- 
air tasks gave him a body of the strength of 
steel. When the young legislator left the train 
at the shanty-town of Medora, in North Dakota, 
the act rendered that spot forever historic. 

In 1886, he was recalled to the East to be Recalled to 

New York 

defeated for mayor of New York by Abram S. 
Hewitt ; in 1889, he was appointed on the 
National Civil Service Commission. While in 
this position he made an address to the corre- 
spondents of the Southern press in which he 
said: "This is an institution not for Republi- 
cans and not for Democrats, but for the whole 



American people/' In 1895-97, he was Presi- 
dent of the New York Police Commission. At 
that time the New York police were the most 
services as corrupt body of officials in the world. "A man 

Police . 

Commissioner could not be appointed a policeman until he had 
paid from $200 to $300 and to be promoted to 
a captaincy cost as high as $12,000 to $15,000. 
To get their money back they had to blackmail 
the lawless elements of the population.' Did 
Mr. Roosevelt stand such corruption? It goes 
without saying that he did not. The boldness 
and success of his reforms astonished the coun- 
try and dumbfounded the bosses. Not only did 
he stop the system of paying for promotions, 
but required, in new appointments, a "good 
primary common school educational test, after 
the moral and physical examination was 
passed. Some of the answers returned were in- 
dicative of several things. "For instance,' 
says Mr. Roosevelt, "one of our questions in a 
given examination was to name five of the New 
England States. One competitor, obviously 
of foreign birth, answered: "England, Ireland, 
Scotland, Whales and Cork." Many of the ap- 
plicants thought Abraham Lincoln a general in 
the civil war • several that he was President of 
the Confederate States ; three that he had been 
assassinated by Jefferson Davis, "one by 
Thomas Jefferson, one by Garfield, several by 
Guiteau, and one by Ballington Booth;" some 
applicants thought Chicago to be on the Pacific 



Ocean, while others answered that the head of 
the United States Government was the New 
York Fire Department. 

What was the ultimate outcome? Did he what he did 

as Commis- 

succeed in overcoming the thousand difficul- sioner 
ties of this office? He abolished blackmail; 
he created efficiency where there had been in- 
efficiency ; he convinced the men of the force 
that he believed in a square deal; he enforced 
the Sunday Closing law against all saloons; he 
enforced the neglected tenement-house law, 
and "promptly seized fully one hundred 
wretched and crowded hives of the helpless 
poor,' diminishing in one locality the death- 
rate to less than one-half. A characteristic 
scene occurred during a procession of the Ger- 
man element to protest against the Sunday 
Closing of the saloons. Roosevelt was on the 
reviewing stand with other city officials. A 
Franco-German veteran in the procession, un- 
aware of the Commissioner's proximity, 
shouted out as he was passing, "Wo ist der 
Roosevelt? (Where is Roosevelt?)' Imagine 
his surprise when he saw just above him those 
large two eye-glasses and gleaming white 
teeth as he heard the answer, "Hier bin ich. 
Was willst du, Kamrad?' (Here I am. What 
do you wish comrade). "Hoch! Hoch ! Roose- 
velt," shouted the old fellow as he hurried 
along much chagrined. 1 

1 Morgan. 



what was the But what shall we say of the policy of the 

"Big Stick"? . J . . 

Big Stick? Where did the term originate? It 
came from an expression of his attitude in 
reference to America defending the Monroe 
Doctrine. This expression is, " There is an old 
adage which runs, ' Speak softly and carry a 
big stick ; you will go far. ' It is a remark- 
able fact that Mr. Roosevelt adopted the first 
rather than the latter part of the saying in all 
his policies. He was in no sense a bully, al- 
though the fierce, powerful interests opposed 
accomplished D ^ nni1 tried to make it appear so. As 
a biographer says: "the weapon in his hand 
takes the form of a righteous cause, charged 
with the irresistible force of public opinion.' 
His so-called big stick was not in any sense a 
policy of the "shirt sleeve' variety of brag, 
and bluster and discourtesy, but the opposite. 
It enabled him to secure from the Pope the re- 
call of the Spanish Friars from the Philippines; 
it enabled him to check the bombardment of 
the Venezuelan port by British and German 
war vessels in 1903 ; it enabled him in the same 
year to deliver the petition of protest to Rus- 
sia against outrages on the Jews ; it enabled 
him to end the Russian-Japanese War, June 12, 
1905. (Mr. Root said of this last that Mr. 
Roosevelt held the most important portfolio in 
the Cabinet — that of "Secretary of Peace.' 
Mr. Root's opinion was justified; for that 
service to mankind, Mr. Roosevelt received the 



Nobel Peace Prize). It enabled him to send 
our fleet around the world, thus redoubling the 
respect of the world for the military possibil- 
ities of America; it enabled him to build the 
Panama Canal. 

But from what quarter did the burly and 
criminal-looking cartoons come? There is no 
doubt that they were a part of a systematized 
propaganda to destroy his influence in his own 
party. And what was more natural? As 
President, Mr. Roosevelt took up the fight 
against industrial monopolies. What was the 
consequence? He stired up a hornet's nest. 
Both enemies and friends, democrats and re- 
publicans, admit his masterful fight. " There 
have been aristocracies," he says in his Auto- 
biography, " which have played a great and 
beneficient part at stages in the growth of man- 
kind; but we had come to the stage where for 
our people what was needed was a real democ- 
racy ; and of all forms of tyranny the least £ he worst 

«/ 7 «/ t/ Tyranny 

attractive and the most vulgar is the tyranny 
of mere wealth, the tyranny of a plutocracy." 
But was Mr. Roosevelt the original mover 
against monopoly in our industries? Was not 
the Sherman Anti-Trust Law a United States 
Law, the purpose of which was "to destroy 
monopoly and curb industrial combinations"? 
And further, had not the Government, under 
President Cleveland, brought suit to prevent 
the Sugar Trust from obtaining control of 




three additional companies in Philadelphia? 
Is it not true that one of the purposes of that 
suit, known as the Knight case, was to prevent 
the Sugar Trust from controlling 98% of all 
our sugar production? Those things are all 
true. But it is also true that the case had gone 
against the Government. The Supreme Court 
had held, with only one dissenting vote, that 
the Sugar Trust had the right to acquire those 
three companies by an exchange of its stock 
what made for theirs. Such a decision made the Sherman 

the Sherman 

Law a dead Anti-Trust law a dead letter. Both the Presi- 
dent and Congress were powerless to interfere. 
Big trusts rapidly multiplied, free from all 
harm under the protection of that decision. 
What was Mr. Roosevelt, the President, to do? 
Many smaller corporations and industries went 
to the wall and others were suffering. A 
clamor came up from the people. In the mean- 
time, under the name of the Northern Securities 
Company, a gigantic attempt was made, under 
this Knight case decision, to put into one hold- 
ing company the vast Northwestern railway 
systems. Mr. Roosevelt leaped into the arena 
almost immediately after he became President. 
He was at that time even a more picturesque 
figure than usual. The "big stick " put in 
some of its heaviest blows. He was caricatured 
and abused by papers friendly to the ^inter- 
ests" from Maine to California; but he was 
making history and winning popularity among 



the people. He ordered his Attorney-General, 
Mr. Knox, to institute proceedings for the dis- 
solution of the Securities Company — the rail- 
way trust in question. It was done. The 
Government lost, because of the Knight case 
decision. The big trusts laughed at his dis- 
comfiture. But it was dangerous to laugh in ^ K^ghT* 
front of those drooping, honest eyes of Roose- Case Decisl0n 
velt. He never faced big game with only one 
load in his gun. The next time he invaded the 
Supreme Court itself and asked a reversal of 
the Knight case, "in the interest of the people 
against monopoly and privilege.' I remember 
that at the time he was regarded as rather 
irreverent toward that august body; but he 
had the sympathy of the majority of the just 
and cool-headed men in America of both politi- 
cal parties. He won by a vote of 5 to 4. But *ie wins 

x ^ 5 to 4 

had he really accomplished his purpose? He 
had "established the power of the Government 
to deal with all great corporations." But 
would this be an efficient enough instrument to 
break up monopoly of industries? He did not 
think so. What did he do? He sought the es- 
tablishment of a Federal Commission which 
" should put a stop to abuse of big corporations 
and small corporations alike.' Such a Com- 
mission "would destroy monopoly, and make 
the biggest business man in the country con- 
form squarely to the principles laid down by 
the American people, while at the same time 



regarded as 
His Greatest 

giving fair play to the little man and certainty 
of knowledge as to what was wrong and what 
was right both to big and little man." He 
never succeeded in having such a Commission 
created ; but his efforts led to the establishment 
of a "Department of Commerce and Labor, and 
with it the erection of the Bureau of 

Roosevelt left the Presidency in March, 1909, 
of all preceding Presidents the most popular 
with the people. For seven and a half years he 
had stood for civic righteousness. He re- 
garded as his most important accomplishments 
the construction of the Panama Canal; his in- 
tervention for peace between Russia and 
Japan; and his sending the fleet around the 
world. Mr. LaFollette, a political enemy, said 
that none of these compared with other achieve- 
ments of the retiring President. Among these 
were : the making of reform respectable ; the 
doctrine of the square deal; and the conserva- 
tion of our national resources. I quote from 
LaFollette 's Magazine: "Nothing can be 
greater or finer than this. It is so great and so 
fine that when the historian of the future shall 
speak of Theodore Roosevelt he is likely, to say 
that he did many notable things — but that his 
greatest work was inspiring and actually be- 
ginning a world-movement for staying ter-* 
restrial waste and saving for the human race 
the things upon which, and upon which alone, 



a great and peaceful and progressive and 
happy race-life can be founded." 

May we say with Mr. Hermann Hagedorn, As a 


Jr.: "As a statesman his place is among the 
greatest America has produced ; but as a man, 
he stands with the noblest, most valiant and 
most appealing in history. It is not his deeds 
but his qualities of character which constitute 
the splendor of the heritage he has left us"? 
Here is the message written by Mr. Roosevelt 
for the New York Bible Society and placed in 
Testaments given to our soldiers : 

"The teachings of the New Testament are 
foreshadowed in Micah's verse: 'What more 
doth the Lord require of thee than to do jus- 
tice, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly 
with thy God.' 

Do justice ; and therefore fight valiantly 
against the armies of Germany and Turkey, for 
these nations in this crisis stand for the reign 
of Moloch and Beelzebub in this earth. 

Love mercy ; treat prisoners well ; succor the 
wounded; treat every woman as if she were 
your sister; care for the little children, and be 
tender with the old and helpless. 

Walk humbly ; you will do so if you study the 
life and teachings of the Saviour. 

May the God of justice and mercy have you 
in His keeping." 

What would an honest critic regard as the g is mo ^ 


most outstanding trait of Theodore Roosevelt? Trait 



Would lie say it was energy? Truly he was a 
man of tremendous energy; but that was not 
his strongest characteristic. "Was it honesty 
of purpose, kindliness, love of home, love of 
nature, love of country, manliness, hatred of 
evil, love of justice? No. What then was it? 
As I see it, it was an almost abnormal devel- 
opment of a great consciousness. So wonder- 
fully developed was his consciousness that his 
constant habit was to regard himself and his 
conduct in a wholly impersonal way. We find 
him again and again comparing himself with 
others whether with a cowboy of the plains, or 
Andrew Jackson, a President. He always 
gave us an honest judgment of the result, 
whether favorable or unfavorable to himself. 
Shallow people sometimes thought this to be 
egotism. But that idea is absolutely precluded 
by the fact that his comparisons were most fre- 
quently unfavorable to himself. What advan- 
tage was this highly developed consciousness? 
It was advantageous in this particular, when- 
ever he measured up short he immediately de- 
voted his energies to make himself more fit and 
thus shorten the distance between himself and 
the object of his comparison. This trait man- 
ifested itself from childhood, through youth and 
middle age. It enabled him to overcome colos- 
sal difficulties and gain a permanent place 
among the great. 



If it were left to my choice to call upon our Most 


Eternal Father to send, in His mercy, from of best 

, . Americanism 

among the great spirits of our departed states- 
men, a bright evangel to go abroad throughout 
the earth to herald the advantages to man of 
the freedom of worship, freedom of opportun- 
ity, and freedom of citizenship, as we have 
them here in our beloved America, I would not 
ask that Washington or Jackson or Lincoln be 
sent, as truly great and as truly American as 
were those great spirits; but I should humbly 
plead that He send Theodore Roosevelt, who 
would have a better acquaintance with modern 
American conditions and at the same time 
would share equally the great traits of the im- 
mortal trio which I have named. 


No. "• -•■ Sect.„_- Shelf 


Lincoln National Life Foundation 
Collateral Lincoln Library 

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